Selective Attention

Selective Attention

Reviewed by Faisal Zaidi

The ability to follow one stream of information, such as one voice among several, while filtering out the rest. Listening experiments from the 1950s onwards showed that little of the ignored stream is retained, with one notable exception: a listener's own name sometimes gets through, in a minority of people and under conditions that differ from group to group.

What it is

The classic method is shadowing. In his 1953 paper Colin Cherry played two spoken messages at once and asked listeners to repeat one of them aloud as they heard it. They could tell when the voice in the rejected message changed from a man's to a woman's, and they could not say what its words had been. That pattern, physical features noticed and meaning lost, is what the first theory of selective attention was built to explain.

Donald Broadbent's filter theory (1958) treated attention as an early filter, selecting a message on physical features such as the ear it arrives in or its pitch and blocking the rest before its meaning is analysed. Anne Treisman softened the picture with attenuation theory: the ignored message is turned down, not blocked, and words that matter to the listener keep a permanently low threshold.

A separate strand asks what the brain does to the ignored material. In The Distracted Mind (2016), Adam Gazzaley and Larry Rosen hold that ignoring is an active operation, separate from focusing, and that the two can fail separately. Their line on page 85 is that focusing and ignoring are not two sides of the same coin. The evidence they cite is largely from Gazzaley's own laboratory, and the book itself notes that other laboratories have found mixed results for attention to spatial location.

In effect

The own-name studies show the ignored channel is neither fully blocked nor fully open. In Neville Moray's 1959 shadowing study about a third of listeners noticed their name in the ignored ear, and the replications sit near that figure: 34.6 per cent in Noelle Wood and Nelson Cowan's 1995 study and 29 per cent in the 2021 preregistered replication by Jan Philipp Röer and Cowan.

Who notices depends on the listener. In a 2001 study of 40 undergraduates sorted by working memory span, 65 per cent of the 20 low-span listeners reported hearing their name against 20 per cent of the 20 high-span listeners. In a 2014 study by Moshe Naveh-Benjamin and colleagues, 58 per cent of 50 young adults noticed their name in the unattended channel against 3 per cent of 29 older adults, even though older adults suppress irrelevant information poorly in Gazzaley's work. The authors proposed an inhibition factor and an attentional capacity factor, both needed to explain the results.

The practical reading is narrow. What reaches awareness from an ignored voice depends on what the content is, how tightly the listener's filtering closes and how much attention is left over.

What it does not say

It does not say attention is one mechanism. Filter theory and attenuation theory disagree about how much of the ignored message is processed, and the experiments above favour neither as a complete account.

It does not say that everyone hears their name. The figures run from 3 per cent to 69 per cent depending on the group, and none of the studies reaches a majority of listeners overall.

It does not describe a real party. Every result cited here comes from headphones and a shadowing task, with noticing reported afterwards. How often the effect occurs in a room with a familiar voice and a conversation under way is not something these studies measure.


Sources

  1. Cherry, E. C. (1953). "Some experiments on the recognition of speech, with one and with two ears." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America, 25, 975-979. doi:10.1121/1.1907229.
  2. Broadbent, D. E. (1958). Perception and Communication. Pergamon Press. doi:10.1037/10037-000.
  3. Moray, N. (1959). "Attention in dichotic listening: affective cues and the influence of instructions." Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology, 11(1), 56-60. doi:10.1080/17470215908416289.
  4. Treisman, A. M. (1960). "Contextual cues in selective listening." Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology, 12(4), 242-248. doi:10.1080/17470216008416732.
  5. Wood, N., & Cowan, N. (1995). Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 21(1), 255-260. doi:10.1037/0278-7393.21.1.255.
  6. Conway, A. R. A., Cowan, N., & Bunting, M. F. (2001). Psychonomic Bulletin & Review, 8(2), 331-335. doi:10.3758/BF03196169.
  7. Naveh-Benjamin, M., Kilb, A., Maddox, G., Thomas, J., Fine, H., Chen, T., & Cowan, N. (2014). Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 40(6), 1540-1550. doi:10.1037/xlm0000020.
  8. Röer, J. P., & Cowan, N. (2021). Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 47(2), 234-242. doi:10.1037/xlm0000874.
  9. Gazzaley, A., & Rosen, L. D. (2016). The Distracted Mind: Ancient Brains in a High-Tech World. MIT Press, pp. 52-55, 84-86.